Today's Canadian unions possess an amount of political power whose existence would have been unthinkable in the earliest years of the labour struggle. This struggle, the one of the craftsman and the simple labourer, has existed in Canada since the country's inception into the British Commonwealth. The very idea of a workingman's union was brought overseas by immigrants who had been previously exposed to the injustices that endured in British factories, mills and plants. In order to understand the power of today's unions it is imperative that one has a basic knowledge of the history of Canadian unions, and of the extremely important advancements that were made by these early unions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It is also important that one examines relatively recent successes and achievements that have been accomplished by various unions in the political arena. Lastly, it is important that one understands the issues and obstacles that unions are currently facing in order to place previous achievements into perspective. By examining the relationship between Canadian unions and politics in such a manner a simple and obvious conclusion can be drawn: although today's unions face uncountable obstacles, it seems clear by past achievements that the goals set for today, and also for the future, will be met and satisfied.

As mentioned, the organization of Canada's earliest unions was due, in large part, to the craftsmen and labourers who had immigrated from Britain. These workers were, in turn, influenced by the relative successes of those British unions that had guaranteed to them small monetary benefits for accidents and ill health. The advent of the railway, and the completion of extensive track lines across Canada, allowed for these burgeoning unions to communicate easily and quickly between themselves and also with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), an organization of trade unions located in the United States. This new form of communication allowed the United States' labour movement to become the dominant influence in Canada, thereby directing these early unions towards a nationwide organization.

Under the guidance of the AFL, Canadian unions began to organize and expand into the political arena at a much faster pace. One of the greatest successes of these early years occurred in 1872 when the Toronto Trades Assembly led a printers' strike that ended with union officials being charged with conspiracy in the restraint of trade. This charge was then successfully appealed, and the Criminal Law Amendment Act was established. This Act exempted unions from facing these types of charges while involved in strike negotiations which, in turn, allowed unions to organize without fear. The effects of this new amendment were substantial in that union membership numbers increased in a nearly exponential manner. The Trades and Labour Congress (TLC) was therefore established in 1883 in the hopes of nationwide organization; however, ties to the AFL prevented Canadian unions whose jurisdictions competed with those of the American unions from joining and organization was not successful. It is at this point that union expansion and organization seemed to stall, or perhaps to go through a transitional phase. Those unions that had been expelled from the TLC formed a separate organization, the Canadian Congress of Labour (CCL), in 1908. This faction grew as larger unions, such as the Brotherhood of Railway Employees, moved to join. It was not until 1956 that the TLC was able to fully end its affiliation with the AFL. In 1958, the newly independent, and obviously fragile, TLC joined with the CCL to form the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), an organization of unions which has lasted to this day.

Perhaps the most significant political accomplishment in Canadian union history was the formation of a new political party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), in 1932. This new party was democratic and socialist in nature, and fully supported and promoted the labour movement. The Saskatchewan CCF, in particular, may be recognized here as a national leader in the struggle for labour rights. Tommy Douglas (1904-1986), the leader of the CCF party in Saskatchewan, and the province's premier from 1944 to 1960, instigated changes in political policy that pushed the province well ahead of the rest of Canada in terms of the labour movement. The Trade Union Act, heralded as "the most progressive piece of labour legislation on the continent", was perhaps one of the most significant of these changes. This Act extended the rights of civil servants and determined that collective bargaining, a powerful union tool, should be a comprehensive aspect of strike negotiations. Douglas was also able to initiate other labour legislations, which set standards for workers' compensation, minimum wage, and mandatory holidays. Due to these progressive changes, union membership within the province rose 118 percent in fewer than four years. In 1961 the CCF joined forces with the CLC, which had endorsed the socialist party as the "political arm of labour", to become the New Democrat Party (NDP), with Douglas as the first national leader. The intent of this newly established party was to embrace the labour movement and forward the legislative actions which had begun with the CCF.

As one may note, the history of the labour movement is mainly one of progress and positive development. The formation of the NDP was perhaps the climatic moment of this history as its development was in direct response to other parties whose forum did not include an agenda for the promotion of union development and workers' rights. However, while knowledge of this history is necessary to the understanding of the labour movement as it stands today, it is also important that one examines the relatively recent accomplishments of unions and the labour movement in today's political arena. In June of 2001, Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) health care workers in Regina ended a six-day strike on a positive note. A tentative agreement was reached in which major improvements were made to the workers' pension plan and a process was negotiated which would aid Regina's health sector workload issue. The improved pension plan will initiate a joint trusteeship which will allow union members to jointly control how the plan is run. In order to deal with the sectors' heavy workload the Joint Occupational Health and Safety Committee will be mandated to review staffing levels, to define the workload problem, and to rectify any remaining concerns. The obvious success of this strike is largely reflective of the unions' place with Canadian politics. A successful union local needs the insurance, not only of support from the public and from the labour sector, but also from the local government branch and its representatives. In the above case, CUPE Health Care Council President Steve Foley praised Lorne Calvert, the Premier of Saskatchewan, and the Coalition government for allowing the union council to negotiate a settlement to the dispute, rather than imposing a back-to-work legislation. It is obvious then that a cooperative agreement has to be met between the union and the government in order for negotiations and bargaining to be successfully completed in a just manner.

A second example of union headway into the political arena can be found in the case of Potashville, Saskatchewan where local CUPE school support staff won an Unemployment Insurance (UI) appeal in April of 2001. A CUPE membership survey conducted at the time that the complaint was first filed showed that approximately 69 % of those CUPE members who were polled had been denied their UI benefits due to insufficient hours and to the assertion that school employees work, and are paid, year round. However, in contrast to teachers who are paid an annual salary, and who do not face lost wages due to school holidays, support staff are paid by the hour and lose their income when schools are closed for mid-winter breaks and holidays. CUPE also noted that, under a collective agreement, support staff are paid for only ten months of work, rather than twelve; however, Revenue Canada maintained that a school break does not constitute a true lay-off as no employer/employee relationship between the school board and the support staff is completely or permanently severed. The successful appeal was heard in March of 2001, where the rights of the school support staff to receive UI benefits during all school breaks was fully supported. Again, this successful union campaign can easily be viewed as an example of the political power that Canadian unions now hold within their bargaining strategies. In 1997, the federal government had made amendments to the UI program that followed nearly impossible qualification standards. The ability of a small minority of union members-CUPE represents approximately 3500 school employees in Saskatchewan-to overturn a federal qualification barrier in a relatively small amount of time is certainly reflective of the political power that unionized workers can have at their disposal.

Knowledge of current labour issues, and recent union successes, is key to having an understanding of how these Canadian unions fare in today's political arena. However, in order to truly get a sense of how important each union victory is, it is imperative that one studies those Canadian parties whose view has been that unions undermine both the political and economic strength of the country. It is the feeling of the Reform Party, and its ideological allies, the National Citizens' Coalition (NCC) and the Fraser Institute, that Canadian unions harness Canadian workers by including security clauses in the labour contracts which force the unwilling worker to pay unnecessary dues to an exclusive bargaining agent. Dale Johnson, a Reform MP, also stated that union members should be allowed the choice to withdraw his or her personal vote from causes that he or she does not support. This would, in turn, disable the ability of the union to fund or to publicly support those issues which would be valuable to the labour movement. The Reform Party has also gone on record as calling for an end to minimum wage, and has also suggested that deep cuts to UI benefits and maternity leave are necessary, if not beneficial. Reform Party member Rob Anders, a former NCC campaign director and active anti-unionist, suggested that what was needed was government legislation in union decision making and the establishment of laws which would undermine the ability of unions to wage effective strikes by allowing " freedom of speech". In other words, the effectiveness of collective bargaining, perhaps a unions' greatest tool, would be undermined by the ability of the employer to personally speak to, and pressure, individual employees.

As one studies these various arguments against organized unions one realizes the magnitude of the political successes that Canadian unions have been able to accomplish. Both the Reform and Liberal Party have anti-union sentiments, and many MPs, such as Johnson, are openly hostile in their campaign to gain government control over an institution whose goals are to better the conditions and benefits for the working Canadian. By studying the suggestions of Rob Anders, which were presented in a province-wide campaign in Alberta, the struggle of the union to remain an isolated institution, in terms of government control, becomes clear. Anti-union sentiments within the government, at both provincial and federal levels, could effectively slow and perhaps even stop the progression of the labour movement if they ever received strong public support. Those things which the Reform Party has publicly denounced: minimum wage, UI and, maternity leave, exist out of a direct result of union campaign and out of the struggles of those government leaders who have supported the labour movement.

The struggle of the Canadian union to gain a strong foothold in the political arena has endured from the late 19th century to today. However, despite strong opposition from corporations, employers, and political parties, unions have maintained and the labour movement has grown in both support and in strength. A basic knowledge of the history of the Canadian union gives one an understanding of the past struggles that have been overcome, and of the early victories which were a precursor to future successes. The recent successes of later unions are an echo of the past. An examination of recent strike outcomes shows that Canadian unions have the political clout to overcome barriers which the working Canadian could not achieve on an individual basis. It is a testament to the endurance, popularity, and political power of Canadian unions that they have managed to survive thus far without significant government intervention. Despite efforts, the Reform Party has yet to be successful in its quest to curb union power and support. The attitudes held by Reform MPs only serve to highlight the accomplishments of Canadian unions while doing little in terms of curbing public support. As one studies these three arguments it becomes clear that unions have made great strides, and have accomplished much, for the Canadian worker. Despite inevitable future difficulties, the role of the Canadian union remains clear: to struggle and to continue to be the unified political voice for the Canadian labourer.