Canadian Autoworkers Union (CAW) President, Buzz Hargrove has emerged as the most visible and arguably the most "discontent" spokesman for the labour in the land. Mr. Hargrove has been called the New Democratic Party's (NDP) answer to Evander Ho lyfield because he is considered a champion of the battered but regrouping union movement, the hard man on the left.'
Basil "Buzz" Hargrove, National President of the CAW, was acclaimed president at the CAW Special convention held in Toronto, June 1992. Getting to this position however, was not done without a struggle.
Mr. Hargrove was born in Bath, New Brunswick on March 8,1944. He was the 6th of 10 children. Hargrove's father Percy, was a carpenter who worked at logging camps during the winter months while his mother, Eileen, grew potatoes to pay for her ch ildren's clothes. Mr. Hargrove's father was not in the picture for much of the time when Buzz was growing up. His parents divorced when he was ii and his mother was left to raise the children by herself.
While growing up Buzz experienced first hand uncertainty in the workplace, when his mother, a dietician, in a hospital in Woodstock, N.B. helped organize the workers into a union in this hospital.
Buzz credits his maritime childhood with shaping his strong sense of community and collectivity. "In Atlantic Canada there's a strong tradition of people relying on one another, helping each other out," said Hargr ove in an interview with McLean magazine.
Mr. Hargrove has been fighting for worker's rights since he was first elected shop steward in the cushion dept. at Chrysler's Windsor Plant, 31 years ago.
The path leading up to his shop stewards position began in 1959. At age 15 this young man quit school at grade 10 and moved west, landing in Alberta, where he was hired on by the provincial governments telephone utility. It was not long after he was hi red, that he was laid off. He moved on to work for a pipeline in Northern Alberta where soon after he was fired. After searching for work Buzz landed a job with the South Saskatchewan river dam. Restless and longing to be in the East, he took up an offer by his uncle to come live with him in Windsor, Ontario. There Buzz sent applications to all the auto manufacturers.
In 1964, Buzz was hired to work for Chrysler's Windsor Plant in its maintenance department. In those days Buzz said he never gave unions a second thought. He was very impressed with the plant chairman, Ken Gerard, of Local 444. Gerard helped hi m get a job on the line making seat cushions. Gerard soon became Hargrave's mentor. Hargrove stayed on the line until becoming a staff member in the then United Auto Workers Union (U.A.W.). At the same time he became very involved in politics and joined t he New Democratic Party.
In 1965 while working in the Chrysler Plant in Windsor he became a steward in the cushion dept., later becoming the night shift chairperson of the car assembly plant and executive board member of the CAW Local 444. He joined the CAW servicing s taff in 1975 and serviced UAW locals in the Brampton Georgetown area for 3 years, with American Motors - now Chrysler Division, as his primary assignment.
In 1978 Mr. Hargrove became special assistant to Bob White (President Canadian Labour Congress CLC) then the director of the Canadian Branch of the UAW. Seven years later (1984-85) White with Hargrove at his side led the break with the American Union. The CAW restructured itself from an American based union to a Canadian Union.
Bob White and Buzz Hargrove worked closely together until White left in 1992 to become President of the CLC. "I consider this one of my greatest achievements in life" is what Mr. Hargrove has to say about these years and the restructuring of the Canadi an Union. '
With the formation of the CAW in 1985 Hargrove became assistant to the National President. And later in June of 1992 Mr. Basil "Buzz" Hargrove became President of the Canadian Autoworkers Union (CAW).
As President of the CAW, Mr. Hargrove is at the helm of the largest private sector union in Canada. Current membership totals 205,000, with members organized into 1,100 bargaining units and more than 350 local unions.
The CAW under the leadership of Mr. Hargrove has a significant block of members in at least 12 different economic sectors.
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Mr. Hargrove's role is ensuring that the diversity of the CAW in terms of its membership, staff, the national executive board, etc. is more appropriately represented. Examples of this would be more women, workers of colour in the CAW and also i n key leadership positions within the union.
In addition, Mr. Hargrove plays a major role in International affairs for the Union, working with the trade union movement in other countries and Canadian board organizations concerned with Human Rights and trade union rights around the world.< /p>
It is not always easy for CAW members to receive the kind of Collective Agreements that Mr. Hargrove would like them to receive. Labour experts cite changes to labour laws, international competition pressures, Canada's strong economy and the erosion o f the social safety net as reasons for worker's hostility. But, standing tall in the eye of the militant union hurricane is Canadian Autoworkers Union President Buzz Hargrove. Mr. Hargrove believes organized labour has forced "large multinationals" to off er a "great deal more respect for the unions on the shop floor".'
Mr. Hargrove defends his union (CAW) and the labour movement every day of his life by meeting with student groups, high school and university students, business people, academics, through the media, TV, print media, radio, but more importantly through the strength in collective bargaining.
He defends his union by having the ability to bargain good collective agreements, wages, health care, benefits, pensions and working conditions. By forcing corporations to share the jobs with the broader community through shorter work time Mr. Hargrov e says he is clearly defending the role of unions in society.
When people put down unions and their role in society Mr. Hargrove goes on the defensive by saying, "check the history of our country and try to imagine what it would be like with no unions - the power and wealth that wo uld be concentrated into fewer hands such as we see in third world countries, as opposed to the success of the middle class and programs for the less fortunate in our society that we have experienced because of unions and their political support of the CC F and NDP."
Mr. Hargrove has had his work cut out for him, managing and ensuring that the 1,100 bargaining units all receive and sign collective agreements that are in agreement with what his members want. He works relentlessly for his union members.
Everything Mr. Hargrove surrounds himself with is "Union". Even his personal relationships revolve around the union movement. He met Linda, (Buzz's first wife of 20 years) on a picket line. Linda and Buzz were divorced in 1992, the same year he became the CAW President. Linda and Buzz have two children and "neither has, of yet, followed in my footste ps" says Hargrove.7
Mr. Hargrove is now in a relationship with a woman who is also a labour activist.
The year 1996 will probably stand out as the year that made Hargrove the media's "Man of the Year". The year started out with Mr. Hargrove hammering out a deal with his former employer, Chrysler Canada Ltd. The CAW had built a strike fund of $50 million which would have lasted them 16 weeks if the strike would have been necessary at Chrysler. Mr. Hargrove's first set of negotiations with the Big 3 automakers were completed in 1993 and were done without a strike. This was the first time in the 6 0 year history of the CAW that a strike was averted.
Mr. Hargrove had his reasons for targeting the Chrysler plant first in his negotiations, instead of General Motors (GM) or the Ford Motor Company. Hargrove thought he could get the best settlement for the membership with Chrysler with the leas t sacrifice by his members. He wanted to set a precedent or a pattern at Chrysler that he could take to GM and Ford. He accomplished this and moved on to getting contracts signed with both GM and Ford.
With the three giant motor companies out of the way Mr. Hargrove was set for the major showdown at the end of 1996 with Canadian Airlines and the federal government.
Outsourcing was the most contentious issue in the 1996 contract talks between the Big Three Automakers. On April 11, 1996 GM highlighted the issue by announcing plans to sell its North Fabricating Plant in Oshawa and its Trim Plant in Windsor, Ontario along with 3 other plants in the United States. Nearly 3,500 CAW members would be affected.
Mr. Hargrove fought hard and his union got the automaker to back down on its outsourcing plans that would have sliced 800 jobs in Ontario and Quebec as well as getting GM workers 2% increases annually for the next three years of the agreement.8 Mr. Hargrove had to make some concessions and while getting a very good deal for his employees the CAW had to accept the sale of the Oshawa and Windsor Plant.
Mr. Hargrove was left to say about this fight with the three Automakers, "There's no such thing as a perfect deal. You can never bargain absolutely for job security. If we could guarantee workers that, they would think they've d ied and gone to heaven."
Mr. Hargrove had a big fight on his hands with negotiations between Canadian Airlines 3,250 members - 18,000 employees and the federal government. He refused to go along with the other five unions at Canadian Airlines in accepting wage cuts without some form of re-regulation.
Even though CAW's members had to concede to wage cuts to save jobs in the troubled airline, Hargrove came out of the negotiations with an agreement for Transport Minister, David Anderson to reexamine the viability of the Canadian Airline industr y, if not de-regulation itself.
Even though Kevin Benson, President of the Canadian Airlines, insisted he needed 70 million in wage cuts to keep the airline viable and running, the CAW, with President Hargrove at it's helm, fought hard and stood ground. At the end of the batt le the CAW conceded only 32 million in wage concessions, therefore saving many jobs.
Collective bargaining is the favourite part of Hargrove's job. "When I don't enjoy that anymore, it'll be time to quit" says Hargrove.'
Mr. Hargrove understands the plight of workers and knows of the sacrifices employees might make by following his leadership. "These are difficult times. The struggles aren't limited to the more high profiled cases like G M or Canadian Airlines. Every day there is a battle to fight for the rights of workers in smaller operations that might employ 400 or 500 people."
Mr. Hargrove carries a lot of clout. Nowhere else was it shown as powerful as in 1993 when he led the charge against the budget cuts and layoffs that were brought in by Bob Rae (the New Democratic Party Premier of Ontario- at that time). Hargro ve said that Rae had betrayed the labour movement when Rae forced negotiations of existing Collective Agreements. The CAW under the leadership of Hargrove withdrew support and funding for the NDP. This move helped to bring about the defeat of the Rae gove rnment in 1995.
In 1996 Hargrove was one of the big drivers behind the Day of Action Protests against the Harris government. On October 28, 1996 almost 1,000,000 unionized workers refused to go to work in Ontario, protesting cuts and the disregard of workers r ights that the Harris government imposed. Since taking office the Harris government has made scab labour legal in Ontario again, rolled back labour laws 50 years and is preparing massive cuts to Workers' Compensation.
This is why the CAW under the leadership of Buzz Hargrove made the bargaining of contract safeguards against future Harris roll-backs a priority in 1996 bargaining with the Big Three Automakers.
Mr. Hargrove feels that the Right-wing policy changes that employees have had to endure over the past 15 years have been more about "redistributing the pie more unequally, than about increasing the size of the pie."
He feels that because of this, the country is seeing more unemployment, macro economic stagnation and growing inequality among workers. "Canadians are going to revolt, resist and react in the wake of this failure and it is this resistance that lies at the heart of my continued hope for a future Canada that is more progressive and democratic."
Mr. Hargrove's vision for the future includes many changes that he sees must be made in the economy and society. He feels that workers must be guaranteed decent incomes, job security - which does not go hand in hand with ones status in a company an d technology that is used to the benefit of average Canadians rather than to impoverish them. His vision is, "an economy and community that is inclusive and solidaristic, rather than divisive and competitive."
If there is one idea that Mr. Hargrove sees as a way to upstart the various struggles Canadians are having toward particular goals it is the revival of the Vision of Collectivity itself. "The basic, simple notion that me mbers of a community can come together and jointly solve their problems has been bruised and battered, and is now in urgent need of resuscitation."
Mr. Hargrove believes that it is still reasonable, realistic, and right to fight to enhance Canadians ability to do things together. His personal vision of a better future has changed over the years. When his career started with the CAW he was motiva ted by the need to fight for concrete, incremental improvements in terms and conditions of employment. "Three decades, hundreds of all-night bargaining sessions, and countless strikes and demonstrations later, I have realized just how broad and far reachi ng that needs to become" says Hargrove.'
It is Mr. Hargrove's confidence that people in the workforce will always be demanding and will ultimately win the power to make collective decisions that affect their lives. Of this he says, "That motivates me to keep carrying on this struggle. "
When Mr. Hargrove is asked what he sees as his greatest accomplishments he says with pride that "it was when I quit smoking." However, on a serious side he feels one of his greatest accomplishments is the growth in the union. He has been involve d in every merger the union has completed.
In conclusion, Mr. Hargrove finds his type of work stimulating. "I'm comfortable in my skin, with who I am," he says. "I've gone against the flow my whole life. I don't find it exhausting at all. I find it exhilarating."
In his 31 years in the labour movement, Mr. Hargrove has been called autocratic, a bully, an artful bluffer and a skilled brinlanan. After all is said, Mr. Hargrove maintains that his style of union leadership is not as his critics charge Autoc ratic or Hierarchical. "I think I'm very consultative in my approach. We're a people organization I don't hold private meetings - I keep my door open."
Mr. Hargrove's style and popular leadership can be summed up in a few words he has been quoted as saying. "I think there's confidence in me, support of what I've done and want to do." What more can members ask of a leader. Mr. Hargrove is dedic ated to his members and works tirelessly to ensure that his members have their rights protected. He is a man who should not only be respected in the labour movement but in the general public as well. He is a man of great integrity. Mr. Hargrove works to e nsure that not only the workers of today but the workers of the future have better and safer working conditions then that of the generation before them.
Mr. Hargrove's members know that they will be led into the 21st century by a leader who will fight to the bitter end protecting their rights and obtaining the respect for his union that it deserves.
When Mr. Hargrove is asked what he feels will be the biggest challenge in the 21st century he says, "It will be the right-wing governments attacks on the right of working people and their institutions, the dismantling of labour laws that make organizing into unions, and once organized, makes collective bargaining more difficult for working people.
The attack on our social programs is unprecedented in my lifetime, where business is demanding and governments are responding in kind, attacking everything from funding public education to Medicare, the Canada Pension Plan, Old Age Security, Employment Insurance, Workers Compensation, Social Housing and many others."
When asked how he would like people to remember him, Mr. Hargrove says, "I would like people to remember me as a representative of working people who never forgot where he came from."
What is left for Mr. Hargrove in terms of what he can do for his Union can be summed up by the following words he has left with the writer of this paper.
"I would like to strengthen the institutions of working people and have more input into the political system to help build a more united, pro-active and progressive labour movement. I would like to see a Canada that not only su pports the powerful and those who are strong enough to grab a share, but for Canada to become a more humane society committed to the young, the elderly, the disabled and the less fortunate in society."
An outspoken advocate of social unionism, Mr. Hargrove has advanced the cause of working people by speaking out on the social issue of the day in an effort to build a more joint society. For this we as Canadians can all be very grateful.